Cultural Meaning and Belief in Pamatè Tradition on Society of Aeng Tong-tong, Sumenep, Madura: Ethnolinguistic Study (Makna Budaya dan Kepercayaan Tradisi Pamate

This study aims to explore the cultural meaning and belief of Pamatè tradition at Aeng Tong-tong society in Sumenep. Pamatè tradition is known to be rich of verbal and nonverbal expressions, such as word, phrase, clause, and sentence. To pursue the aim of this study, qualitative descriptive method together with ethnolinguistic approach, especially ethnoscience analysis model was used to analyse the meaning beyond verbal and nonverbal expressions of Pamatè tradition at Madurese society. To collect data, purposive sampling was used to get complete data correlated with Pamatè tradition. Besides, snowball sampling was used to determine key informants who know tradition well through interview and documentation techniques. The results of this study revealed that there are verbal and nonverbal expressions. Verbal expressions found are utterances involving term, phrase, clause, sentence, such as (a) Mandi’in , panyompet , panotop , panyundhâng , senga’ on laon mun nyaba’ , sabhârâng , aniat kula awudhuaginah mayyit karana Allah ta’aala ; (b) Pundhu’ , labun taleppet’ ; (c) esambhajangagi ; and (d) ependem . Meanwhile, non-verbal expressions found are instruments and things correlated with pamatè tradition, such as aeng socceh, sere, sabun, kapas, kan geddhâng, soroi, sampo, dinding are, labun, konyi’, lu belluh. In short, pamaté tradition is a form of local wisdom of the people of Aeng Tong-tong, containing symbols and oral traditions reflected in the verbal and non-verbal expressions.


INTRODUCTION
Indonesia is an archipelago that is formed from many islands, differences in race, values, culture, and language.An area will not be separated from a language and culture system because an area is a place where people give birth to culture and language.Through society, a language is born from a culture, and culture will create language.Both are like two sides of a coin that cannot be separated because one side is the language system, and the other side is the cultural system.Masinambouw (in Crista 2012, 1) states that language and culture are two systems that are inherent in humans.If culture is a system that regulates human interaction in society, then language is a system that functions as a means for the interaction to take place.
Aeng Tong-tong community is a community that is very strong in holding its traditions and culture.One form of inheritance from the ancestors is the Pamatè tradition.This tradition is a tradition practiced by Madurese people when someone dies and is fardhu ain.Pamatè comes from matè 'death,' while pa+matè is 'the day of death.'This tradition is a series of activities that must be carried out by the Madurese community so that it becomes a forum for conveying ideas and the way of life of the Madurese community.The culture of the Madurese people reflects the values and ideas or knowledge to be conveyed by other community members for generations.This research intends to express the ideas and knowledge contained in this tradition to convey their meaning to the public.This means that the meaning of the culture contained in various forms both as ideas, patterns of behavior, and objects must be understood.Through the tradition of Pamatè in the Aeng tong-tong community, Saronggi, Sumenep district can be seen as how the Madurese people understand, appreciate, and view things related to human death.
Death in cultural terms is a transition, namely the transition of individuals from the natural world to the supernatural (Mulyadi 1984, 36).The Pamatè tradition has essential meaning for human life.However, even though the Madurese community continued to carry out that tradition over time, the understanding of the meaning in the Pamatè tradition began to be less understood.The elders or Pak Kyai assist the implementation of the Pamatè tradition in the Madura area because only a handful of people can understand this.Therefore, the only reason people continue to use the tradition is that it becomes a habit or just a tradition that was passed down for generations.
However, it can be said that the awareness of the Madurese people on the cultural meaning of the Pamatè tradition is more likely diminishing.Cultural meaning is the meaning of language by the cultural context of the speaker (Subroto in Abdullah 2017, 56).That is, the meaning of a language is based on a culture in society such as translating the meaning in the form of verbal and non-verbal expressions or expressions in the context of the local wisdom of the community in the Pamatè tradition related to the knowledge system that is reflected in the people's view of life.
The purpose of this study is to uncover the cultural meaning and how the community's view of the Pamatè tradition in the Aeng Tong tong, Saronggi, Sumenep community will be viewed in terms of ethnolinguistics.Ethnolinguistics is a study of the relationship between language and culture.Conceptually ethnolinguistics (anthropological linguistics) is a type of linguistics that pays attention to the position of language in a broader socio-cultural context to advance and maintain cultural practices and social structures (Foley in Wakit 2017, 02).
Similar research entitled "The Meaning of Death Rituals in Javanese Islamic Traditions" (Karim 2017) focuses on the meaning contained in the rituals of the death of the Javanese Islamic community in the village of Bakalan, Kalinyamatan, Jepara.The study examines the meaning of cultural ceremonies in death with cultures and traditions that are different from other regions.This is done because each region has its cultural concepts and a variety of works to follow the community since a long time ago as a legacy from the ancestors.The different traditions in each region have their concepts, the meaning of life, and mindset for the local community.Research conducted by Abdul Karim focuses on the meanings of the terms that exist in the ritual death of the Javanese community under the Islamic concept.Furthermore, Hodairiyah (2019) also conducted a similar study entitled "Lexical and Cultural Meanings of the Majalan Sortana Tradition in Death Ceremony of Aeng Tong-tong Madura Society."The research focuses on the lexical meaning and cultural significance of the Majalan Sortana tradition in death.Pangaribuan (2017) with the "Implementation of the Toba Batak Community Death Ceremony in Pontianak City" focuses on the implementation of the ceremonial death in Batak Toba traditions, especially in Pontianak City.The legal consequences for the Toba Batak people in Pontianak City who did not carry out the ceremonies of death were getting a negative talk from the community, and in their lives, it is believed they would regularly encounter troubles.Customary leaders (Raja Adat) make efforts to preserve the traditional ceremony of the death of the Toba Batak Society in Pontianak by continuing to carry out the customary death ceremony, giving guidance to the community who will carry out the traditional ceremony of death and introducing it to the younger generation.
Based on the description previously mentioned studies, and the fact that similar studies have never been done in the Madura area, especially in the ethnolinguistic domain, the writer is interested in researching and examining the meaning of the Pamatè tradition in terms of cultural significance, the views of the community, and the mindset that is still running as a legacy from the ancestors.

METHOD
This research is about the cultural meaning and community views in the Pamatè tradition, which is manifested in the verbal and non-verbal language of Aeng Tong-tong society, Saronggi, Sumenep, Madura.This type of research is descriptive qualitative using ethnographic methods with ethnographic analysis models or The New Ethnography or Cognitive Anthropology that are relevant to the analysis based on cultural themes (Spradley in Abdullah 2017, 67), as well as using a method of sharing with the Teknik Bagi Unsur Langsung (BUL) to find out the basic and grammatical meaning.
The data used in this study are lingual units of words, phrases, clauses, sentences contained in the informant's speech as a form of verbal data, while non-verbal data are in the form of symbols in the form of objects or tools contained in the tradition of pamatè.
Primary data sources in this study are the utterances of selected informants participating in the Pamatè tradition, and secondary data sources are in the form of documents and informants.Document data sources in the form of photographs and informant data sources are a leader (kiyai) named (1) Kiyai Kandar (75 years) who works as a cleric in Saronggi district, Sumenep regency and (2) Ustadz Jibrawi (55 years) who is a teacher from the village of Aeng Tong-tong, Sumenep regency.This study also uses a purposive sampling technique to obtain the completeness and depth of data in dealing with the reality that is not single and is directed at data sources that have relevant data and are related to the problem to be investigated (Abdullah, 2013: 78), and snowball sampling techniques are used to assign informants (Sibrani 2004, 290).
The steps of analyzing data are derived from transcribing the results of interviews with resource persons orthographically.Translating data verbally and non-verbally in terms of words, words, and other lingual units are used.Then interpreting and analyzing the context in terms of cultural meaning and people's views to uncover the culture they belong to is assisted by several theories such as cultural semantic theory, semiotics, and others related to data analysis needs.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
After conducting interviews, it was obtained that the people of Aeng Tong-tong, Saronggi, Sumenep, Madura had a tradition of Pamatè which in these traditions contained forms of language expression both verbal and non-verbal.These languages have an important meaning in human life itself both for those who have died and those who are left behind.This tradition has still lived and been considered as the legacy of the ancestors to this day.There are three basic obligations must be carried out by the community in the Pamatè tradition as a final form of respect for the dead body (mayyit).

Mandi'in
Mandi'in is one of the most mandatory things in death.It is the initial stage that must be done by the community to purify a dead body.Even if the person dies in a sacred state, he must still be sanctified Tabbud ibâdâ.In other words, it is a must to purify or bathe the dead body.Mandiin is derived from the lingual unit mandi+in which means 'to bathe.'The rules for bathing the mayyit must be under Islamic law.If the mayyit is a man, then the person who bathes him is a person who is mahram and a man, and if the person who dies is a woman, then the person who has the right to bathe her is her mahram and woman.There are several expressions of language found in bathing the mayyit.They can be verbal such as terms and non-verbal such as objects contained in Pamatè, especially in terms of how to bathe the mayyit

Panyompet
Panyompet is a lingual unit of terms in Madurese.Panyompet is the two relations between the prefix unit pan-and the basic morpheme sompet.Sompet in the Pamatè tradition means to close, while the panyompet means a cover.The prefix pan-in the forming process of the term panyompet changes the class of verbs into nouns.Such a process is a form of derivation.The derivation is the formation of words that produce new words (Subroto 2012, 2).
Panyompet refers to turmeric or ginger which is commonly used as a tool to clog or cover the parts of the dead body that emits the excrement.Either turmeric or ginger is used in the panyompet of the mayyit to prevent the excrement from coming out of the body.Turmeric has the property which its natural ingredient is used to heal any wound more quickly.Traditionally, turmeric is often used by people in various countries to treat various diseases caused by parasitic microbes, insect bites, eye diseases, smallpox, stomach aches (diarrhea, constipation, bloating) digestive disorders, liver, asthma, relieving itching, and other skin diseases, reduce pain and sufferers and rheumatoid arthritis (Hartati 2013, 5).
The procedure for covering the excrement hole is that the turmeric must reach the rectum of the mayyit, meaning that naked eyes cannot see turmeric or ginger.If it still can be seen, it is not considered legal as it is like a person who is doing istihadoh.People with istihadoh still can pray even when they are bleeding as long as it is kept covered, and things that cover it up should not be visible.If they are visible to the naked eyes, then the person's prayer is considered invalid.Like a person who dies, if the cover is too long and is visible to the naked eyes, then it is considered invalid to do praying for the mayyit.Likewise, people who do not circumcise are forbidden to be done praying for.This also works for the dead body from which comes the excrement.The dead body must be covered in his/her scrotum until things covering it up are invisible.However, if the excrement comes out continuously, the mayyit must be kept being bathed.From the above explanation, it can be concluded that panyompet is a verbal term in the form of a noun which means the cover referring to turmeric or ginger as a non-verbal form that functions as a cover for unclean discharge because turmeric is believed to be a pure ingredient and ginger as a warmer for the body.As for the procedures in the closing scrotum of the manyyit with panyompet not allowed to use panyompet that is too long because people who die are being prayed, then the prayer will not be valid because the cover or the so-called panyompet is still visible.

Panotop
Panotop is a lingual unit of word terms in Madurese.Panotop is the two relations between the prefix unit pan-and the basic morpheme totop.Totop means 'to close', while panotop means an item that is covered.The process of forming the term panotop in general as a prefix pa functions to change the class of verbs into nouns.A conversion process is a form of derivation.The derivation is the term formation of words that produce new words (Subroto 2012, 2).
Panotop refers to cotton as a material to cover body parts such as two eyes, two nostrils, two ear holes, mouth, genitals, and rectum (if it does not emit excrement).It is essential to be covered with the aim that wild animals or insects do not quickly enter the mayyit.The procedure for the provision of cotton as a covering tool is not only sufficient to do the bathing.It takes cotton, incense, and camphor in the shrouding process.Cotton is given incense and is placed in his eyes, nose, mouth, and each joint and folded hands.The stage of giving a cover to each hole in the body is only after being bathed.It is just that ordinary people put more cotton in each joint.After being covered with cotton and included with a fragrance, the aim is not to be quickly eaten by caterpillars, ants, or other insects because the ants are the type of insects that readily enter into those holes.Therefore, the holes are stuffed with cotton with fragrances as animals do not like fragrances.
From the explanation above, it can be concluded that panotop is a verbal term in the form of a noun which means the cover which refers to cotton as a non-verbal form that functions to cover holes in the body with the aim that insects do not easily enter the body.The cotton will be perfumed, and camphor as insects do not like the fragrance.

Panyundhâng
Panyundhang is a lingual unit of the word in Madura.Panyundhang is a two-relation between the prefix pan-and the basic morpheme sondhang.Sondhang means to hold, while panyundhang is an item used to hold.The prefix pan changes the class of verbs in the term sondhang into nouns.A conversion process is a form of derivation.
Panyundhang is a tool used to hold the mayyit when bathed.The tool is a banana tree (kan geddhang).Usually, a banana tree is placed in a bath in a row of 4 pieces.Laying four banana trees in a row above the bath of the mayyit is done so that the water when bathing mayyit is not splashed.Banana tree as a base in the bathing of the mayyit aims to make it easier to clean the lower body area of the mayyit.It is highly encouraged to lay the mayyit in the higher place.This is one of the reasons why banana tree trunks are used on which the mayyit has lied.
After bathing the mayyit, usually, people throw those banana tree trunks.There is a belief that some people are still embedded up to now.The belief is expressed with "senga on laon mun nyaba" 'watch out, be careful when putting them.'The verbal expression in the form of the clause has a contextual meaning that it will be fatal if we throw a banana tree carelessly, meaning that the person who died will become a ghost or haunt.Therefore, the elders require to be more careful when throwing the banana tree trunks used in the bathing process.They likened that throwing the banana tree trunks is like putting a dead person.This is following the explanation of Ust.Jibrawi (in an interview on 30 December 2018) said that, "Daggi' kan gheddhâng mun e dinna' kan ebuang.Ding muang rèya mun pas eontalagi bisah dhâddhi masalah.Koduh sabâ' on laon.Arapah mun eontalagi bisah dhâddhi rang-sabhârâng can mun e dinna'" ("Later a banana tree will be removed here.Throwing away it can be a problem.It must be placed slowly.What if it is thrown away?People believe that it could be a problem.")The above explanation-if you place a banana tree it must be slow because if you throw it there will be undesirable things happening-can be seen from the lingual unit of the term sabhârâng, which means something undesirable.Even though it is obvious that there is no way that people who have died will be ghosts or haunts.The understanding of ghosts or dead people haunting is a form of community belief without a basis of thinking.However, such a belief has a positive influence on society since it gives them the awareness that every job has an ethic and manners.Indirectly, the speech describes so that humans have the nature and sense of caution in carrying out everything in their life.It can also provide a picture of death if it befalls him.
In addition, the banana tree can also reflect the mindset, the way of life of the people towards life.Philosophically, a banana tree is a reflection of living things providing benefits to humans.A banana tree is a tree that only lives once.Like humans, they only live once by doing good things and spreading benefits for others before they finally die.The use of 4 banana trees has the meaning that 4 is a form of basic direction possessed by humans.In the sense, that living humans must have a direction and purpose in life.
From the above explanation, it can be concluded that panyundhang is a non-verbal expression of the noun form which has a buffering meaning that refers to a banana tree.It has functioned as a base for bathing the mayit so that it is easier to clean the lower body area of the mayit and not splashed water from below.Therefore, it is sunnah to bathe the mayit by exalting it.In addition, banana trees are also a reflection of how humans should live their life by spreading the benefits before they die.The use of a banana tree provides a picture of life for humans that life is only once.The use of 4 banana tree trunks in the bathing process of the mayit gives valuable teaching that humans must have direction and purpose.

Aeng Socceh
Aeng socceh is a term in the form of a noun phrase that means purified water.In bathing the mayyit, the water used must use purified water to cleanse the body of the mayyit from the dirt that adheres to it.It is done since the mayyit will face God.It was stated by Subha, a Muslim scholar (20 April 2019) in interview that, "Ya epamandian reah sepenting aeng socceh" ("It is important that water in the bathing process must be purified").That is, the use of water to bathe the mayyit must be purified water since God loves things that are clean and purified.God created humans in a state of nature or purification.Therefore, people who die are encouraged to die in a purified condition before they encounter their God.It is also the last form of respect the family must show to the mayyit so that the mayyit is bathed using purified and purifying water.From the explanation above, there is a non-verbal expression in the form of a tool that is in the tradition of bathing the corpse in the form of babble as a form of a noun phrase that has the meaning of purified water that is used to bathe the mayyit to remove impurities in the body.

Sabun
Sabun (soap) is one of the tools in bathing the mayyit, which is useful for removing impurities that are attached to the body of the mayyit.Soap is useful for making it easier to remove the impurities.Soap is a non-verbal expression in the tradition of the mayyit bathing as a form of objects in the form of tools.

Sampo
Sampo (shampoo) is one of the tools in the tradition of the mayyit bathing.Sampo is usually used to clean the hair of the mayyit and to avoid odor.Sampo is a non-verbal expression in the form of objects in the form of tools.

Soroi
Soroi is also one of the tools used to comb the hair of the mayyit when bathed to ensure the hair is exposed to water.Soroi is a non-verbal expression in the form of objects in the form of tools.

Sere
Sere is a leaf used to cover the nose and mouth of the mayyit when the mayyit is watered or bathed to ensure the water does not enter the nostrils of the mayyit.It is said by Hj. Rofiqoh (April 26, 2019) in interview that, "Sere se epanotop elongah makle tak taserna'.Elong barang alobang, aroah ekarassah.Reah kolek sakek.Makanah mun mandiin reah tak ning tak santak, ronah jerya sakek.Kan badha syiiran jhak tak santak mikol bula gik ngabassa anak ban bala.Kan badha ngak roah, roah ekarassah mun ronah keng gun tak acaca ronah roah sakek."("Sere is made to cover the nose, by aiming the water does not enter to the nose because it can be a pain.The skin felt pain.So, if bathing the mayyit may not be hard, the spirit of mayyit is pain.It is on Syrian, don't be faster in bringing me, still want to see my sons and brothers.The spirit feels but does not talk.")From the explanation above, sere is a non-verbal expression in the form of a tool or leaf that is useful for covering the nostril of the mayyit so that water cannot enter them.It is believed that sere is a leaf from heaven.Hj.Hosna (April 15, 2019) explained it in the interview, "Aroah lamba' can sere areah un dhaunan se badha e soargah, sere radhin" ("It was believed that sere, which was called sere radhin, is a leaf from heaven leaves in heaven").Therefore, Madurese people, especially in the village of Aeng Tong-tong, use sere to cover the nostrils of the mayyit when bathing the mayyit as sere is believed to be a leaf from heaven.

Ewudhui
Ewudhui is one of the obligations undertaken towards the mayyit.This verbal expression comes from the lingual unit of the word wudu' which has changed to the word ewudhu'i with the presence of a confix {e+i}.The lingual unit process with confix {e+i} on the verb ewudhui is a form of inflection process because it does not produce a new class of words.This is evidenced by the class of basic words in the form of verbs and the class of words that get confixes in the form of verbs.Both have the same class of words, verbs.In the same reference, Subroto (2012, 2) explains that the term inflection cannot be called word formation because it does not produce new lexemes.
Ewudhui is a process of ablution of the mayyit which includes the intention of "aniat kaula awudhu'na mayyit panikah karana Allah ta'alaa" ("I intend to ablution of this mayyit because of Allah").In the tradition of ablution, there is a verbal expression in the form of an intention made by someone to ablate the mayyit after the mayyit is bathed in a clean state.The process of ablating the mayyit is carried out by mahram of the mayyit, whether male or female.If the mayyit is a male, then the people entitled to abdicate the mayyit are males, and if the mayyit is female, then people who are entitled to abdicate the mayyit are women.

Pundhu'
Pundhu' 'wrapping up' is the second obligation that must be carried out towards the mayyit.Verbal expressions in the form of a lingual unit of the term pundhu' also have the process of changing the word to pundhu'.The process of changing the verb word pundhu' into a noun with the suffix e in pundhu'en refers to labun as a non-verbal form.Labun is a means of wrapping the mayyit.That conversion process is a form of derivation.Derivation is the term formation of words that produce new words (Subroto 2012, 2).
The way to wrap this mayyit in Madura as regulated in the sharia is that if the mayyit is a male then the wrapping cloth must be 3 layers, and if the mayyit is female, then the wrapping cloth must be 5 layers.Wrapping the mayyit is an obligation in taking care of the mayyit after the bathing process.In wrapping the mayyit, there is a verbal expression in the form of the unit phrase labun taleppet.It is believed that if people wrap the mayyit in a shroud with an untidy or folded cloth, the person who dies will become a haunt or ghost.Usually, the person in charge of wrapping up the mayyit will be notified "senga'-senga' labunah jha' pa leppet.Pa ce' sepa'en."This verbal expression in the form of the sentence has a contextual meaning that someone should wrap the mayyit neatly.If it is not neat enough, then the mayyit will become a haunt.
The belief regarding labun taleppet will result in people who die will become a ghost is only the belief of some people without any foundation of knowledge.Those people did not have enough knowledge about wrapping the mayyit.The belief intends to ensure that people are careful in the wrapping process and are not doing it carelessly.
From the above explanation, it can be concluded that pundhu' is a verbal expression of the verb form which means 'to wrap,' and pundhu'en with the suffix en as a noun form that refers to labun as a form of non-verbal expression which means 'to wrap the mayyit.'Besides, there is a verbal expression in the form of the phrase labun taleppet which refers to a ghost as a non-verbal form.It is usually said "senga'-senga' labunah jha' pa leppet.Pa ce' sepa'en" which means that people who wrap the mayyit are encouraged to be careful and neat in the wrapping.Such verbal and nonverbal expressions are the belief of some people who do not have sufficient knowledge.The purpose of the ancient people regarding these expressions is to ensure that people who wrap the mayyit are more careful and neat in the wrapping process.This shows that Madurese people are always full of caution in doing anything to ensure that the results are as they wish.

Esambajangaghi
Esambajangaghi is a fundamental obligation in taking care of the mayyit after the wrapping process.Esambajangaghi comes from the lingual unit of the word sambhajang, which means to pray with confix {e+aghi} on the word Esambajangagi which means to be worshiped.The verb lingual unit process with {e+aghi} confix in the verb esambajangagi is a form of inflection process because it does not produce a new class of words.This is evidenced by the class of basic words in the form of verbs and the class of words that get confixes in the form of verbs.Both have the same class of words, namely verbs.Subroto (2012, 2) explains that inflection cannot be called word formation because it does not produce new lexemes.Therefore, the word esambhajangagi with sambhajang are two words that have the same class of words because they do not produce changes in new word classes or new lexemes even though they have confix {e+aghi}.
Esambhajangaghi means to worship the mayyit by the family and community members.Worshipping the mayyit is an activity to pray for the mayyit which is done with 4 takbir and two greetings.This is done as a form of final respect for the mayyit who will face God.In worshipping the mayyit, people ask for the mayyit to be forgiven and lightened in the hereafter.
The term Esambhajangaghi is a passive meaning which means that the activity is carried out by the community to pray for the mayyit which begins with the intention "aniat kauleh asholattagiyah mayyit ka 'dintoh 4 takbir because of Allah ta' aala" ("I intend to pray for this mayyit because of Allah").After making the intention of prayer, it is then followed by 4-time takbir and ended with a 2-greeting.Also, it is accompanied by a special pray for the mayyit, which is "Allohummaghfirlahaa warhamhaa wa'aafihaa wa'fu'anhaa wa akrim nuzulahaa wawassi 'mudkholahaa waghsilhaa bil maa-i wats tsalji wal barod.Wa naqqihaa minal khothooyaa kamaa naqqoitats tsaubal abyadho minad danas.Wa abdilhaa daaron khoiron min daarihaa wa ahlan khoiron min ahlihaa wa zaujan khoiron min zaujihaa wa adkhilhal jannata wa a'idzhaa min 'adzaabin qobri au min'adzaabin naar" ("O Allah, forgive and bless him.Free and forgive him.Expand his tomb and bathe him with water, snow, and dew.Purify him from all mistakes such as cleaning a white cloth from dirt.Give him a better home than his house (in the world), a better family than his family, a better partner than his partner.Then put him in heaven and protect him from the trials of the grave and the punishment of hell").
From the above explanation, esambhajangaghi is a verbal expression of the verb form which gets the {e+aghi} confession in the lingual unit of the word sambhajangaghi, which means to worship the mayyit which is included with the intention and prayer to pray for the mayyit as a final form of respect by asking forgiveness to make all matters in the hereafter easier for the mayyit.

Ependem
Ependem is the last mandate undertaken towards mayyit.Ependem means to bury.The term ependem is different from the term ekoburagi even though both have the same meaning.Ependem and ekoburagi are lingual units of words that experience inflection with the same changes in the word pendem and kobur.Both are basic verbs getting confix {e} in {e}+pendem and {e+aghi} in {e}+kobur+{aghi}.Subroto (2012, 2) explains that the term inflection cannot be called word formation because it does not produce new lexemes.Therefore, ependem and ekoburagi are the same verbs that come from one basic verb, namely pendem and kobur.
In the tradition of ependem, the mayyit is usually buried in the ground with the depth of the sapamanjengan ban sajengnguan, meaning that the grave for the mayyit is based on the height of a living person and as he can reach the mayyit from inside the grave.Moreover, the grave is profound, so it does not emit odor.As stated by Ust.Jibrawi (27 December 2018) in the interview, "lobâng kobhuran nèka, komattah wa bastotah, mun neneng kètab, atoran nèka.Samanjengnah orèng ban sajengguan."However, it is not the case in Madura even though the illat requires it to be done that way.Importantly the mayyit was not eaten by wild animals and so as not to cause odor.Therefore, it is recommended that the grave needs to be deep, although it needs not be as deep as the height of a living person.It is because the illat is that for the mayyit not to produce odor.In this tradition there are several terms in the form of mukka 'tale tello', meaning to open the 3 ropes that are on the mayyit.Then, tilting the mayyit or mireng bara' olo dhaja (the mayyit is faced towards the qibla with the position of the head of the mayyit is in the north).After that, the mayyit remains tilted towards the qibla then it is given a buffer in the form of lu bellu.Lu bellu is a round fist made of land that is used to prop up the mayyit for keeping it to face towards the qibla and is accompanied by dinding areh which is a long white wall of stone which is mounted as a row wall for the mayyit.Therefore, the mayyit is not buried directly in the ground.Subha, a Muslim scholar, said (20 April 2019) in the interview, "Epobuin dinding areh.Mayyit makle tak katambenan tanah.Gabay kennengnah mayyit.Polanah dhabunah Alloh reah jhak na' potonah adam reah mulja.Mangkanah epasangin dinding areh."("The mayyit must be given dinding areh so that the mayyit is not buried directly in the soil.For mayyit place.Because Allah said that the sons of Adam are noble.So, it is given dinding areh.")Therefore, it can be said that humans are noble creatures so that in the process of burial, humans are treated differently from animals that are directly piled with soil when they die.To glorify the mayyit, the community provides dinding areh as a space or place for the mayyit in the tomb.It is believed that the mayyit when will wake up even though people do not know how the way they will wake up.
From the above explanation, ependem and ekoburagi are verbal expressions of verb forms that get confix e on the lingual unit pendem, and {e+aghi} on the lingual unit kobur.Both are types of inflection because they do not produce new lexeme.Ependem is the final obligation undertaken towards the mayyit.In addition to the verbal expressions found in ependem or ekoburaghi, there are several non-verbal expressions in the form of tools such as lu belluh, which means a rounded ground fist to hold the mayyit when facing towards the qibla and dinding areh which is used to avoid the mayyit from being buried directly in the ground.It also aims to make space for and to glorify the mayyit because humans are glorious creatures.

CONCLUSION
There are several verbal expressions in the form of terms and non-verbal forms of tools or objects found in Pamatè tradition which contain suffixes, derivation affixes, and inflections in Madurese.Such expressions indicate an act done by someone else because the person concerned cannot do it himself/herself, such as (1) mandi'in which is derived from the word mandi with the suffix -in.Panyompet is the relation between the pany-and the basic morpheme sompet.Panotop is also relation between the prefix pa and the basic morpheme totop.Panyundhang also has relation between the prefix pany-with the basic word sondhang.Aeng socceh, sabun, and sampo which are also a form of basic words or terms in Madura language that aims as a tool to clean the mayyit's body from the dirt attached to it, while sere is also categorized as a basic word in Madurese.Ewudhu'i is a form of confix e+i.The verb lingual unit process with confix {e+i} on the verb ewudhui is a form of inflection process because it does not produce a new class of words.(2) Pundhu' is a basic word that means wrapping, and pundhu'en with the suffix -en as a noun form that refers to labun.Besides, there is a verbal expression in the form of the phrase labun taleppet which means that the person who dies will be haunting or will become a ghost.Moreover, "senga-senga' labunah jha pa leppet.Pace' sepa'en" means that people who wrap the mayyit are encouraged to be careful and neat in wrapping the dead so that nothing unexpected happens.(3) Esambhajangagi is a verb that gets confix {e+aghi} on the lingual unit of the word sambhajangagi.(4) Ependem is a form of Jibrawi explained (in interview 27 December 2018) that, "Rèya padhanah ban rèng hed.Rèya mun kaloar dharah teros, istihadoh.Kan koduh apejang.Esompet.Rèya sompettah tak ollè ngunyul kaloar, mun ngunyul ka loar jârèya ta' sah sholattah.Karanah se e sholaten bâdâ najissah.Padhanah ban orèng matè, mun sompettah rèya lanjhâng bâdâ se ngajul ta' sah genèka maskè e sholaten.Nèka sompet tak ollè ngajul.Koduh pamasok ka dhâlemnah dhubur.Padhanah ban rèng qulub, ta' asonnat.Haram mun e sholaten.Nah.. padha ban orèng matè se bhuru se kaloar najis, ta' bu ambu.Kulâh nyoro sompet, mun gi' kaloar.Gi sholaten neng e loar, e pamandian."("This is the same as menstruation.This, if blood is continuously bleeding, is called istihadoh.You have to keep doing prayer.Gagged.This cannot be seen; if you look outside the prayer is invalid.Because what is purified is unclean.Same with people who die, if the cover is extended, there is something that looks invalid even if it is circumcised.This cover cannot be seen.Must be inserted in the rectum.It's the same as a genital, not circumcision.Unlawful if prosecuted.Well ... the same as the dead person who came out unclean not stop.I asked to block it if it still came out.Yes, it is being prayed outside, in the baths.")