The Function and Meaning of Megalithic Cultural Heritage in Some Sites in Bantaeng Regency, South Sulawesi (Fungsi dan Makna Warisan Budaya Megalitik di Sejumlah Situs di Kabupaten Bantaeng, Sulawesi Selatan)

The Bantaeng megalithic site houses megalithic cultural relics, such as terraces ( teras berundak) , dakon , lumpang batu , menhir, dolmen, stone altars, circular stone ( batu temu gelang) , tombs


INTRODUCTION
The tradition of megalithic establishment has always been based on the belief in the relationship between the living and the dead especially the strong influence of the dead on the welfare of society and the fertility of plants. The services of a dead relative are enshrined by erecting a large stone building and became a medium of respect, a place of rest and at the same time a symbol of the dead. Megalithic monuments are widespread in southeast Asia. Currently, the traditions associated with the erection of megalithic monuments have partly disappeared and some are still ongoing.
According to von Heine Geldern (1945), megalithic culture in Southeast Asia consisted of two periods, old and young megaliths. Old megalith was incorporated into the Neolithic period supported by Austronesian language users who produced square pickaxe tools and began to make objects or buildings composed of large stones such as dolmen, stone steps, pyramid steps and pelinggih. Further research into the cosmic idea reveals even more original elements such as stone walls and stone roads. Young megalith developed during the Perundagian era showing the forms of stone coffin burials, pseudo dolmen, sarcophagi, and stone vessels. The two waves of megalithic culture finally mixed, overlapped in development forming local variations in the level of development, then mixed with Indian, Islamic and European culture which had gradually expanded its influence in the Indonesian archipelago. Megalithic elements with their diversity from various forms of civilization can still be studied as an integral part of the culture that is still alive in Indonesia.
The followers of old and young megaliths theory include A. N. J. Th. van der Hoop (1932), and H. G. Quaritch Wales (1958). However, there are still those who disagree with the placement of the megalithic tradition in Neolithic, H.R. van Heekeren (1958) for example. But the fact that the young megalithic tradition has something to do with the negotiation period has been widely recognized by experts. The development of the old megalithic tradition is still a problem, with no "pure Neolithic" finds together with megalithic structures in excavations in Indonesia.
One opinion that deviates from the meaning of a large monument "mega" but is closer to the background of the ceremonial activities, has been put forward by F. A. Wagner (1962). He claims that megaliths which are always interpreted as "big rocks" while in some places will carry a wrong concept. Smaller stone objects and other materials such as wood should also be classified as megaliths if these objects are clearly used for certain sacred purposes, especially the worship of ancestral spirits. Research so far has shown that there is a close even unbroken relationship between the ritual of worshiping the ancestors and monuments made of small and large stones, even this ritual can be performed without monuments at all. It can be explained that the manifestation of the idea of megaliths has permeated all aspects of the life of its supporters throughout the ages, especially in Indonesia. Therefore, even without complete ceremonial equipment, people can be carrying out megalithic ceremonies, such as the buffalo sacrifice and headhunting ceremony.
The concept of ancestor worship gives birth to procedures that maintain the behaviour of people in the mortal world so that they are in accordance with the demands of life in the hereafter as well as increasing prosperity in the mortal world. At this time, community organizations have been organized knowledge about useful technology and values of life continues to develop including ways of breeding livestock, selecting plant seeds, and finding new tools that are more suitable for daily needs. Attitudes to life always revolve around human, earth, animal, and taboo issues. Village is the centre of life after the wandering lifestyle was completely abandoned. The boundary between the profane and the sacred in life is not clear. A feeling of one with nature produces works that are now seen as meaningful works of art. The climax of these works comes at a time after the community began to recognize metal, and from this material various forms of ceremonial and daily necessities are made with carvings depicting the realm of the mind and the community at that time.

METHOD
The research uses qualitative research in the form of grounded research method using an ethnoarchaeological and historical-cultural continuity approach. The choice of this approach is based on the consideration of historical-cultural continuity between physical cultural heritage and the socio-cultural system of the community. The research steps begin with (a) Library data collection is carried out by searching for various literatures and previous studies related to research topics, especially those directly related to field data or the theories and methods that will be used. (b) Systematic survey is an activity to collect field data by conducting direct observations to record the required data. In survey activities, inventories, measurements, depictions, mapping, and descriptions are carried out. (c) Interview is an attempt to collect oral data to obtain information from the community, especially those related to the problem of ideas and meaning of megalithic culture, so that cognitive aspects and spiritual elements can be knows. (d) Data analysis is a classification based on taxonomic and analytical classification such shape, dimension, spatial, layout and context based on technology attributes, typology, style, and distribution to produce further classifications. (e) Interpretation of archaeological data based on contextual analysis and analogies with ethnographic data to identify and understand the function and meaning of past cultural heritage.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Megalithic Monuments at Several Megalithic Sites in Bantaeng Regency
Megalithic remains in Bantaeng district are spread across several sites that are mostly concentrated in the northern and eastern regions of Bantaeng. The results of the survey conducted showed that the distribution of megalithic remains was found at the Borong Toa, Onto, Lembang Gantarang Keke, Gantarang Keke, Pallangiru, Pattalassang and Kiling-Kiling sites. Some of the megalithic remains are still functioning and in the form of traditions with megalithic patterns that continue in the life of the people in the region.
Megalithic remains in the form of large stone mortars, an arrangement of stones (emba), circular stones (toddo ballanga, Bonto-bontoa, Barugayya, and passaungang taua) menhirs, dakon stones, dolmen (Paccidongang), altar stone (Pannurungang), etched stones, terraces, terracotta (anthropomorphic), inauguration stones, megalith grave complexes pottery and ceramic fragments from the 14-17 centuries (Bougas 1996). According to local people, several other sites, such as Sinowa, Banyorang, Borong Kapala and Bukit Kaili, said that in the past there were also many megalithic monuments but in recent times these monuments were used by the community for various purposes. Even on Islamic sites, there is evidence that people used to have megalithic characteristics before the entry of Islam.

Religious and Social Aspects of Megalithic Culture in Bantaeng
Megalithic monuments are spread almost throughout the Indonesian archipelago. There are various forms of monuments that stand alone or in several forms as a group. The main purpose of the construction of this monument is due to the background of ancestor worship and the hope of welfare for the living and perfection for the dead. The oldest structures may function as graves of various shapes, including dolmen, stone coffins, stone chambers, sarcophagi, kalamba or stone vessels, waruga, stone cages and circular stone. In such graves, there are usually several other large stones to complement ancestor worship such as menhirs, statues of ancestors, serving stones, mortar stones, dakon, pelinggih, stone walls or stone paved roads (Duli et al. 2007).
Some megalithic forms have other functions, such as the dolmen, which have a variety of shapes that do not function as graves but are made for offerings. The function as a pelinggih in the advanced megalithic community is also used as a seat by the head of the tribe or king and is seen as a sacred place in conducting meetings and ceremonies in connection with the worship of ancestral spirits. This clearly shows a belief that those who are still alive can get blessings from magical relationships with ancestors through these megalithic buildings as a medium. For example, stone mortar and dakon are often found in rice fields, and on the outskirts of hamlets where their placement may be aimed at gaining magical powers.
The following will describe the function and meaning of the megalithic monuments found in several megalithic sites in Bantaeng Regency. a. Menhir Etymologically, the term menhir comes from the Breton language, men which means stone and hir means to stand. Thus, menhir means standing stone or upright stone. In terms of terminology, a menhir is an upright stone, whether it has been or has not been worked on and placed intentionally in a place that serves as a memorial stone in connection with the worship of ancestral spirits (Soejono 1984;Sukendar 1993). The function of the menhir is very closely related as a warning sign with regard to ancestral spirits, but its implementation in the aspects of life in various groups of people, there are different versions as a local development of each region.
Ferguson's research on the Kasia (India) ethnic group suggests that menhirs were created to commemorate victories and as a sign of burial. Research by Chandran Jeshurun and Tom Harrison in Malaysia, suggests that menhirs were erected as a sign of burial (Perry 1918;Sukendar 1993). Furthermore, Haris Sukendar in his description of the functions of menhirs in various regions in Indonesia. It can be seen about the functions of various menhirs in various groups of society. In Ende, it is used in ceremonies related to the worship of the sun, moon and stars (oropa sanga). In West Sumatra menhirs are established in large numbers, related to burial ceremonies. In Nias, menhir has more complex functions (Sukendar 1993), such as sacred functions and profane functions with respect to social status (Hasanuddin 2000). Meanwhile, Van der Hoop in his research in Sumatra said that establishing menhirs is a sign of gratitude after being released or avoiding disease outbreaks or difficulties (Hoop 1932).
Menhir also has a function as a means of laying down weapons at certain ceremonies, as a symbol of custom, and as a means of storing the skulls of kings or tribal leaders (Sukendar 1983). In South Sumatra, menhirs that are found to be associated with dolmen are used as a means of worshiping ancestral spirits. In Sumba, menhirs that are located near the graves serve as a sign to avoid the dangers that threaten the ancestral spirits and as a sign of the dead. In Nias, menhir statues are erected with a function as a sign of repelling reinforcements. The megalithic tradition in the area continues to this day which functions as a symbol of the customary head, a place to tie the accused to be convicted, as a means of giving command of the final decision, a place to dry the skulls of traditional chiefs, store the skulls of tribal chiefs and place the weapons of tribal chiefs, the boundary between sacred and profane areas, and as a sign of a burial of the customary chief. In the Naga area (Flores), menhirs function as a sign of burial, where the number of menhirs indicates the number of people who have been buried. While in Bali menhir has a function as a means of worship to ask for fertility in plants, and for the safety of the community so as not to be disturbed by evil spirits. In this worship, offerings are given which aim to prevent evil spirits from disturbing them (Sukendar 1983).
The results of research on megalithic culture show that menhirs have various functions. The difference in function is usually determined by the location and context with other findings. For example, menhirs function as a means of worship are placed in strategic areas such as on a hilltop or in the middle of a garden. Megalithic sites dating from earlier times that no longer function in society, are found in simpler forms of menhirs and are always functionally related to the worship of ancestral spirits. Meanwhile, in subsequent developments, especially as a tradition that is continuing in society, menhirs do not always function in relation to the worship of ancestral spirits (Sukendar 1983). Even in some traditional societies that still continue the megalithic tradition, menhirs are more associated with profane interests, such as those related to social status. However, this needs to be examined in depth because it seems that the functions that are more related to the real social aspects observed in society are ideologically still based on their association with symbols of ancestral spirits. This is in accordance with the opinion of R. P. Soejono, that the erection of megalithic buildings such as menhirs is always based on the belief in a relationship between the living and the dead, especially the belief in the strong influence of ancestors on the welfare of society and plant fertility (Soejono 1984).
In Toraja, menhir shows that there are differences in form, layout and composition and the naming reflects different functions; as a symbol of ancestry, a medium of worship, a boundary between sacred and profane areas, boundaries between customary unitary areas, a place to tie a buffalo to be offered at a funeral ceremony, as a sign of agreement, a symbol of village establishment, and a symbol of social status (Duli and Hasanuddin, 2003). Other megalithic sites found menhirs in South Sulawesi, such as Pantilang, Kanna (Luwu), Tinco and Umpungeng (Soppeng), Lampung PatuE and Bulu Garaccing (Bone), Gojeng, Karampuang and Bulu Bapejang (Sinjai), Bulo-Bulo ( Bulukumba), Bissorang (Selayar), and Buntu Asu (Enrekang) (Duli & Nur 2016).
In Bantaeng, menhir at several megalithic sites such as the Borong Toa site, Onto site, the Lembang Gantarang Keke site and the Gantarang Keke site, all show a natural shape and layout that is centrally located and around the site boundary associated with a stone altar. It seems that the local community does not understand its function, but based on information from the community when traditional ceremonies take place, it seems that there is something to do with the worship of the ancestral spirit of Karaeng Loe which is very legendary in the tradition of the Bantaeng community who are considered Tomanurung in every existing indigenous community group. The altar near the menhir is usually a place to store offerings. Menhirs are considered to have supernatural powers from their ancestors, so they are believed to be village guards, guardians of sacred and profane boundaries, and protectors from interference by evil spirit forces. On the Onto site, menhirs are also seen as a sign of respect for the makers of iron metal (taka bassia) because metalworking is only done by certain people, so this ability is symbolized as magical power in the form of menhirs. At the Lembang Gantarang Keke site (paccidongang) and the Gantang Keke site (Pallayangang Taua), natural stones that stand upright in monoliths are believed to be the place for the descent and disappearance of Tomanurung and are considered as sacred stones equal to menhirs as stones which are used as a medium for worshiping ancestral spirits (Duli 2018).
Typologically, menhirs are still ongoing during recent developments, such as when the influence of Islam, menhirs still appear to be used as graves in the ancient tomb site of Jera 'LompoE in Soppeng, Sumpang Ralla in Barru, kings Lamuru in Bone, La Tenri Rua in Bantaeng and in traditional societies such as the use of Simbuang which is still visible in Toraja society today.

b. Stone Mortar and Dakon
Almost all megalithic complex sites in South Sulawesi are found to have remains in the form of stone mortars. Soejono said that megalithic monuments including hollow stones such as mortar stones and dakon have a religious function which is related to death ceremonies (Soejono 1984). This allegation is strengthened by the results of Teguh Asmar's research which states that stone mortars and dakon used in funeral ceremonies are usually found around megalithic buildings in the form of tombs. In South Sulawesi, it is customary to use stone mortars and dakon as playgrounds at the time of death feasts, and these relics are also found in Islamic tombs (Asmar 1975). The results of Haris Sukendar's research on megalithic sites in Central Sulawesi concluded that the function of stone mortar in the area was as a container for daily life equipment which was closely related to agriculture (Sukendar, 1983). Recent research in the South Sulawesi area found many megalithic sites whose findings were dominated by hollow stones such as stone mortar, dakon, stone pan and other hollow stones whose types and functions had not been identified.
Stone mortar (lumpang and lesung batu) and stone pan is a container for pounding and accommodating something, whether it is related to daily activities or in ritual ceremonies. While the dakon was used as part of the game in the procession of death, a place to play agility fights and to count and determine good days. If we pay attention to the attributes of the use of stone mortars at several sites in Bantaeng, it shows that these mortars were used to pound something and perhaps also as a container to collect water such as those in the Borong Tua site. This is also in accordance with the community's image that stone mortar was used to pound seeds, both during ceremonies and on ordinary days. Likewise, with the dakon (agaleccengang) which is usually used in ceremonies, both death ceremonies and other ceremonies especially games to find good days to do something and on ordinary days it is used as an ordinary playing tool to hone dexterity. Therefore, mortar and dakon are closely related to the agrarian society.

c. Arrangement of Circular Stone (Susunan Batu Temu Gelang)
Teguh Asmar (1975) first used the term arrangement of batu temu gelang in Indonesia as a translation of the words stone enclosure or stone circle (Sukendar 1977) or stone ring (Duli 2018). In Indonesia this term differs from one region to another, such as in Matesih it is called watu kandang (Sutaba 1980;Soejono 1982), in Lampung as a corpse stone (Sukendar 1977), in Kewar as ksadan (Sukendar 1983), in Flores called compang (Sukendar 1993). In South Sulawesi the naming corresponds to its function, namely possi tana (center of the earth), emba (Bugis) and Karopi '(Toraja) as a burial place, hala batu (stone fence around), passaungan manuk (place fighting chickens) and passaungan tau (a place to settle cases). Circular stone in South Sulawesi such as in Tinco and Sewo sites (Soppeng), the Ale Tondong and the Ale Kanrung site (Sinjai), the Possi Tana site in Kajang (Bulukumba), the Gantarang Keke site (Bantaeng), and the Sillanan site at Tana Toraja (Duli 1996).
In further research on several sites in Bantaeng, it turns out that the circular stone is always present and even shows as the dominant finding at each site. The shape of the circle is round, oval and square, which is made of natural stone composition. On the inside, it is usually empty or there are other media such as piles of stones, altars, other stone arrangements and certain layouts within a site, depending on their respective functions. Likewise, the naming by the Bantaeng society varies according to its function. As the result, the circular stone in various regions show the diversity of functions. In Indonesia is closely related to burials, worship, ceremonial buildings and dwellings. While outside Indonesia such as in India and Korea, this circle stone is closely related to burial (Sukendar 1983) while in Hong Kong it is related to worship (Duli 2018). In South Sulawesi, the function is not related to its shape but is more determined by the structure inside. Thus, the function is as a boundary between sacred and profane areas which are related to the activities carried out in them such as burials, worship ceremonies, deliberations, inauguration of tribal chiefs or kings, fighting chickens, and trials (Duli 1996).
The function of the circular stone in Bantaeng seems to be heavily influenced by its layout, size and interior conditions. If the diameter is relatively small and on the inside there is an altar in which there is a hole in the middle and is covered by a lump of rounded rock such as the one at the Lembang Gantarang Keke site (pocci butta) and the Gatarang Keke site (pocci butta = pocci tana) and in Bontobontoa, toddo ballanga, then its function is as a place of worship for ancestral spirits (Karaeng Loe). The pair of altar stones (pertiwi = woman) with rounded stones (phallus = men) as a symbol of the meeting between the upper world and the underworld that gave birth to human life in this world as a manifestation of their cosmos-magical understanding. Karaeng Loe are considered as humans who descended from heaven (Tomanurung), who became the ancestors of future leaders. This Cosmological understanding is also further strengthened by the existence of an understanding that considers pocci butta to be the centre of the earth or the centre of the village; the centre of nature or their territory (microcosm) as a symbol of the universe or universe (macrocosm). Therefore, pocci butta becomes the centre of the ceremony as the main medium in the worship ceremony at the time of implementing traditional ceremonies.
Another circular stone in the passaungang taua, the shape is round and on the inside is empty and flat, the diameter is wider than the butta pocci with a rather strong and high stone wall arrangement. In the past, it was used as a place to compete with martial arts or combat, sometimes to the point of causing injuries and even death. This place is also used as a place to settle cases that can no longer be resolved through deliberation, so a last resort is taken by stabbing each other in the arena (Duli 1996). Apart from being a place for human battles, it used to be used as an arena for fighting cocks (passaungang manuk) by aristocrats. At the Onto site there is an circular stone called Barugayya, it is relatively broad, on the inside there is a dolmen as the seat of the king or tribal chief and several stone altars as seats for the guards. The function of this place is as a place for discussion between the leaders or chiefs of the tribe with the people, where the inside of the leadership and the guards sit while on the outside it is the seat of the people. Circular stone arrangements are visible in pre-Islamic graves at Onto, Lembang Gantarang Keke and Gantarang Keke sites. Unfortunately, the tomb has fallen into disarray due to illegal excavation activities, so that its shape cannot be recognized anymore. However, interviews with illegal diggers said that some of the graves were in the circular stone. In various places, the stone arrangement has one function as a burial place, such as the karopi in Toraja and emba in Bugis.

d. Forms of Burial
In South Sulawesi, there are several forms of megalithic burial, in the form of stone coffins, burials buried in the ground and burials in natural caves or rock cliffs. At the Gojeng site, there are burials using stone coffins made of stone planks or carved monoliths. Unfortunately, research on the site which was conducted by the Antiquities Service in the 1980s, did not date it, so its age was unknown.
Burial by planting into the ground, carried out with primary or secondary burial system as a whole or by cremation using a container or without a container and with various kinds of grave provisions or without grave provisions. In Sinjai, there is an emba as a megalithic burial, the corpse is cremated then put in a jar then buried in the ground. Above the ground, a sign is given in the form of a pile of stones in a circular shape, the orientation is east west. At the Rura site in Enrekang, there is a megalithic grave on top of which is a pile of stones with an east-west orientation. However, these sites have never been studied intensively, so that human support and their dating are not known with certainty (Duli & Nur 2016).
Research on how the burial system in the megalithic era in Bantaeng has never been conducted systematically. However, based on stories from the community that are known from generation to generation and the stories of illegal treasure-seeking diggers, a little bit can be revealed about how the burial system was at that time. According to them, the pre-Islamic graves are usually lined with jewelled stones, especially for people who were depicted during their lifetime. In addition, usually at the top of the tomb there is a pile of stones with an east-west orientation. From inside the grave, we can get a lot of grave provisions, such as ceramics, pottery, metal objects (iron, bronze and gold). The bodies of the dead are placed facing west with their feet on the west. In the megalithic era there was a growing understanding that things related to life are usually analogous to the rising of the sun so that ceremonies related to life are carried out in the morning facing east, while things related to death are analogous to the setting of the sun so that death-related carried out in the evening facing west.
The remains of pre-Islamic burials can still be seen at the Onto, Lembang Gantarang Keke and Gantarang Keke sites. Although they are almost unrecognizable due to the damage and not being maintained. According to Bougas, stories from illegal diggers say that the La Tenri Ruwa Tomb complex in Bantaeng city was built on top of a pre-Islamic burial complex (Bougas 1996).
In the megalithic era, the biggest ceremonies carried out by the community were ceremonies related to death especially if the dead were figures or elders in society. The process of the implementation is carried out in several stages around for days or months, many livestock are offered and when they are buried. Various kinds of belongings are included while they are still alive as grave provisions, even sometimes slaves are also buried together as bodyguards. This is based on the idea that the fuyah world is no different from the mortal world, so that life there is considered the same as life while still living in this world, just has different nature. The spirits of the dead can still influence the living and vice versa, the living can determine the salvation of departed ancestors. Mutual communication between ancestral spirits and living people is carried out through various kinds of ritual ceremonies, which until now in some areas in Bantaeng are still carried out by the community such as the pakjukukang ceremony.

e. Ancestral Statues
Ancestral statues are human, or animal statues made of stone, wood or clay which are very simple in shape. Size usually varies such as those in the Bada Valley (Central Sulawesi) measuring up to two meters high. The function of these statues is as a symbol of the spirits of the ancestors and is sacred by the supporting community. Usually these statues are used as a medium in ritual worship of ancestral spirits, especially ceremonies related to fertility and safety.
In South Sulawesi, megalith statues in the form of menhirs in Batu Sura and tau-tau at several burial sites in Toraja which are still in use today, monkey statues from the Tappalang site in Mamuju, and clay human statues at the Kiling-Kiling site in Bantaeng. Human statues made of stone was still used when the influence of Islam entered South Sulawesi as found in several ancient graves that were used as headstones. This can be seen in ancient tombs at the sites of Buntu Batu and Laiyya (Enrekang), Nepo (Barru), Sudiang (Makassar), Lamakandiu-Matano (East Luwu), Binamu (Jeneponto) and the Tomb of La Tenri Ruwa (Bantaeng) (Duli & Nur, 2016).
At the Pattalassang and Kiling-Kiling sites, terracotta statues were found both by illegal diggers and by researchers in carrying out systematic archaeological research. This shows that the local community also recognizes the making of ancestral statues. Illegal diggers say that the statues were found during excavations around the Pattalassang and Kiling-Kiling sites both made of clay and of stone. It is possible that these ancestral statues were destroyed in the later days because they were considered contrary to Islamic teachings. Although the terracotta statues found at the Pattalassang and Kiling-Kiling sites are considered by experts to be the influence of Majapahit (Bougas 1996). It cannot be denied that they still show the characteristics of ancestral statues. In fact, this culture continued to develop until the time of Islam with the emergence of tombs patterned with ancestral statues in the La Tenri Rua tomb complex.

f. Dolmen and Altar Stones
Dolmen are stone tables that are supported with legs made of small or large stones. Experts say that at first the dolmen's function was as a burial place, then in later times locally in each area experienced a change in function such as dolmen made for offerings. In Nias the dolmen serves as the seat of the living king or chief who is seen as a center of respect in certain traditional meetings or ceremonies (Hasanuddin 2000). In Flores, it functions as a table for placing various sacred objects, offerings and seats for tribal chiefs (Soejono 1984).
In-depth research on dolmen in South Sulawesi has not been carried out by many archaeologists, however, preliminary research results indicate the existence of these findings at several megalithic sites. In Toraja, dolmen functioned as a place for offerings in ceremonies to celebrate the success of the harvest, such as those found on the sites of Sillanan, Poto 'Tengan, Ke'pe, and Sassa' (Duli 2001  A rather unique dolmen finding was dolmen whose surface contained dakon (aggalecengang) such as those in Sewo, Lawo and Tinco (Soppeng). The dolmen has a more specific function which cannot be separated from the function of dakon as a media for arithmetic skills. Perhaps when holding ritual ceremonies, the dolmen functioned as a place to count good days or as a place to determine predictions made by elders or traditional chiefs.
Dolmen found in Bantaeng are very simple and natural in shape (monolithic stones that are naturally located) and then small stones are arranged around them as supports. There has been no in-depth research on the dolmen stone, but based on information from the public, it can be seen that its function is as a seat for tribal chiefs (dolmen at Barugayya on the Onto site), Tomanurung seats (paccidongang) and pannurungang at the Lembang Gantarang Keke site and as a place for the disappearance of Tomanurung (pallayangan taua) on the Gantarang Keke site.
While the altar stone, is a flat stone that is usually associated with other findings such as menhirs, dolmen, circular stones, dakon or etched stones. At the Lembang Gantarang Keke site the stone altar functions as a place of inauguration (paddaraengang) and as a place to place offerings as well as at the Gantarang keke site and the Onto site as toddo balanga dedicated to Karaeng Loe, which also functions as a place for the inauguration of the king (batu pallantikang).

g. Scratched Stone
In South Sulawesi, there are stones scratched at several megalithic sites. Research on the scratched rock was conducted by Akin Duli from Archeology Department Hasanuddin University. The definition of etched stone is a stone of small or large size, on its surface there are scratches artificially, made with a scratch technique that forms lines with certain motifs and is intended for certain purposes (Duli 2002). The function of the etched stone is to obtain supernatural powers and as religious symbols (Sukendar 1983).
Stone scratched in South Sulawesi is found at several areas such as in Tinco and Lawo sites in Soppeng. At the Tinco site there are several stones with scratched surfaces; deer motifs, straight lines, squares and curved lines. In Lawo, it was found that there was a circular wheel-shaped scratch motif arranged in an east-west orientation. At the Karampuang site in Sinjai there are stones etched with the motifs of a human straddle, sailboats, straight lines and spearhead. Meanwhile, at the Possi Tana Kajang site in Bulukumba, there is an Ammatoa inauguration stone which has straight lines on the surface. In addition, in Mangkaluku site in North Luwu there are stones with straight lines and buffalo horn motifs.
In Bantaeng, scratched stones are found on the Onto site and the Lembang Gantarang Keke site. The etched stone is associated with the inauguration stone (altar) with the shape of the stroke being straight lines. Possible function was as a sign of the inauguration of the king, as is still happening in the Kajang community in Bulukumba. Another function is as a place to sharpen sharp weapons to get magical powers. Whatever the symbolic meaning contained in some of the etched stone motifs, it is certain that the etched stone can reflect several aspects of human life in the past as well as those that still continue today.

h. Teras Berundak (Terraces)
A terraced terrace or punden berundak is a building in the form of terraced or terraced layers usually consisting of three, five or seven steps or levels. The function of this monument is as a place of worship which limits the sacred and profane areas. Areas outside the steps are profane areas while those inside the steps are sacred. The level of sacredness depends on the steps, the most sacred is the highest steps. In the terraced area, there are usually several other megalithic monuments, such as menhirs, polynesian statues, dolmen, dakon, altars,mortars, and others. All these megalithic monuments have different functions when a ritual procession takes place on a teras berundak. In South Sulawesi, the dominant megalithic sites found in several areas are punden berundak, which are usually located on hilltops, foothills or on purposefully elevated land.
In Bantaeng, megalithic sites that still have stone terraces with steps, are the Borong Toa site, the Onto, Lembang Gantarang Keke and the Gantarang Keke site. These sites are centres for the implementation of traditional ceremonies, especially in connection with the worship of Karaeng Loe, and have become a sign of centres of community settlements in the past (Duli et al. 2007). The teras berundak function communally so that the ritual ceremonies held at that place are always of a mass nature which is usually attended by all members of their community. Sociologically, these mass ceremonies certainly reflect the existence of social strata and the size of their communities.
The punden berundak as a place of worship for the spirits of the ancestors were still in progress during the recent developments such as in the form of terraced temples during the Hindu-Buddhist era in Java. Likewise in South Sulawesi, in the early days of the entry of Islamic influence, the graves of the figures were usually above the top of the terraces, even the graves were in the form of terraces as seen in the tomb complex of Jerak LompoE in Soppeng, the graves of kings in Lamuru, Tallo, Lakiung, Binamu, La Tenri Ruwa, and others.

i. Saukang
The saukang for the community in Bantaeng is a large wooden tree located in the middle of the traditional ceremony field and around it is miniature houses. Its function is as a sign of the centre of the village and at the time of carrying out traditional ceremonies, offerings are usually placed that are offered to ancestral spirits (Bougas 1996). The society around the saukang is considered sacred, so not just anyone can approach and destroy it. The saukang can still be seen on the Borong Toa site, the Onto site, the Lembang Gantarang Keke site and the Gantarang Keke site.
Apart from the Saukang at these sites there is still the Balla Lompoa which is usually inhabited by noble families or pinati and as a place to store kalompoang. This shows that these megalithic sites functioned as centres of government and religious for community groups, customary units or small kingdoms in the past. Complex social groups were formed in the sense that they have a leader, territory, people and other social institutions. Between one group and another, sometimes there is competition, so there is often war between them. As a result, they have to defend themselves by forming defence forces or soldiers and strengthening defence systems such as establishing fortifications.

CONCLUSION
The variability of surface findings at several megalithic sites in Bantaeng Regency shows that in the past each of these sites played a very important role. From lontara sources and the oral traditions of the local community, it is known that some of these megalithic sites are the origin of the various traditional communities that inhabit the Bantaeng area. The character of the society is agrarian which fosters a belief system that relies on the worship of ancestral spirits.
The shapes of the monuments show as the megalithic sites that served as settlements and centres of religious ritual activity in the past. There are even some sites that are still functioning by the community such as the Onto and Gantarang Keke sites. Interestingly, the distribution pattern of the findings shows a division of spaces with an east-west and north-south orientation. This is closely related to their understanding of the cosmos, as is generally known in the traditional Bugis-Makassar society. According to information obtained from the traditional leaders regarding their cosmological views, there is a known classification of the universe over east-west, where the east is the place where the sun rises which is considered qualitatively to represent light, happiness, joy and the source of life, while the west is the place where the sun sets represent the elements of darkness, grief, death, and all that brings trouble. The east-west classification is always associated with the phases of life that human beings begin to be born the same as the sun rising in the east radiates its rays and slowly moves up until it reaches its peak and finally decreases until it sinks so that there is a transition from light to dark as a symbol of death . The sun movement is analogous to the movement of the human life cycle from life in the mortal world to life in the spirit realm (puyah). Whereas the classification of the cosmos is based on the north-south or mountain-sea direction, where North (Mount Lompobattang) means the head, the front part of the earth which is considered as a place of respect, a holy