Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) 2022-07-25T00:00:00+00:00 Prof. Kacung Marijan Open Journal Systems <p dir="ltr" align="Center"><strong><img src="/public/site/images/admin/cover_JPI.jpg" alt="" /></strong></p><p dir="ltr" align="Center"><strong>Jurnal Politik Indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics - IJP)</strong> is a peer-reviewed and open-access scientific journal published twice a <span>year every June and November circulation. <strong>IJP</strong> is</span> managed by the <strong>Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Airlangga</strong>. This journal specifically covers areas of research in <em>Democracy, Governance, Political Thought, Contemporary Politics, Ethics, and Discourse on Justice</em>. Articles that discuss the theoretical aspects of Political Philosophy, Theories of Democracy, Governance, Ethics and Discourse on Justice are welcome, as well as pieces that engage in the discussion of democratic governance practices, election, and contemporary national and international politics. We publish twice annually in which every issue consists of 6-7 articles. </p><p dir="ltr" align="center">Manuscripts accepted by <strong>Indonesian Journal of Politics </strong>include research articles, conference papers, book and article reviews in the aforementioned topics above. We accept articles written in either Bahasa Indonesia or English and seek to receive contributions from academics, researchers, policymakers, practitioners and various professionals who engage in our themes. Please refer to author guidelines to learn more about the manuscript template we use.</p><p dir="ltr" align="center">Our journal has existed since 2014. Its activity has operated on printed publications for six years. Starting from 2021, we shift the operation of this journal electronically to the Open Journal System (OJS) hosted by <strong>Universitas Airlangga</strong>. Our P-ISSN is registered as <a href="" target="_blank">2303-2073</a>. The E-ISSN of this journal is <a title="E-ISSN JPI" href="" target="_self">2808-2710</a>.</p><span id="docs-internal-guid-c112e000-7fff-f598-6c11-d87f1f43530c"><br /><br /><br /><br /></span> Konstelasi kekuatan partai politik dalam pemilu serentak tahun 2019 di Kabupaten Pemalang 2022-03-17T06:00:30+00:00 Unggul Sugi Harto <p>The general election is a contestation involving political parties and individuals in a democracy, where various processes and details follow. The result of the election is a number of vote which are then converted into seats in the legislature or the electability of the elite. These two results the become materials that are constantly being studied and analyzed, of course with various basid research objectives. The number of good votes obtained by political parties, legislative candidates, regional elite candidates to the president is rich in meaning and shows a variety of studies. Figures obtained by political parties both of the national level, especially at the regional level, have variouse aspect, such as strength of the party the power of the political machine or the level of competition in the region. These meanings are quite reasonable because the number of party votes, especially in the regoins, shows the dynamics closest to the vasiouse phenomena of the competition between political parties themselves. The study of the vote acquisition of political parties in regions, especially the districts, is a micro study developed by the electoral district (Daerah Pemilihan/Dapil). This constituency is the main point for cq’s vote. Seats in the regional legislature as well as evidence of the strength of political parties in the electoral district. Many variations appear when reading the vote count, of course, because each electoral district has has certain characteristics that tend to be relatively different. This study focuse on the vote acquisition of political parties in the electoral district in Pemalang Regency, Central Java. Pemalang Regency is located in the North West part of Central Java, and is crossed by national arterial road known as The Pantura (Pantai Utara Jawa). The large base political parties is PDI P, PKB, Gerindra, P Golkar, PPP and PKS, a political party strength which is also manifesd in the national political map. The vote gain of political parties are the looked at per eletoral district and then compared between parties, and the result is a vairety of variations as a result of the local poltical prosesses of each different electoral district.</p> 2022-07-25T00:00:00+00:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Peran Botoh dalam Pemilihan Kepala Desa: Studi Konflik Politik Kepala Desa Sotabar, Kecamatan Pasean, Kabupaten Pamekasan 2022-03-10T16:37:20+00:00 M. Fahri Ilham Akbar Aribowo Aribowo <p>Botoh (voice brokers) in the areas of Central Java and East Java have an important role in winning the candidates carried out in the lowest level general elections (pilkades). Solid strategies in the selection of candidates are not responsible for the method of funding, surveying, and control of dominance held in the image of society. General Election of Village Heads in Sotabar Village, Pasean Subdistrict, Pamengkasan Regency is an arena for strong power shows in winning the candidates they carry. Many conflicts occur in the pilkades because of differences of opinion, struggles for power and interests. Between the election of village heads (pilkades) and the political dynamics between botoh, petahanats and the community. The findings of the data show that Botoh has an important role associated with the search for candidates to win. In addition, botoh is a person who has the legitimacy of power in society, the experience of freedom in the world of photography and high relations with political officials. When political practices were implemented, Botoh implemented mobilization by reading the conditions of the community and carried out carefully in the three groups approved by the clerics, santri and abangan through the team provided. Even in the winning process, it is through some political dynamics with other actors that cause conflict. This conflict is triggered by the relationship between slaughterhouse and petahanat related to unbalanced authority and leadership that is not in line with the expectations of the community.</p> 2022-07-25T00:00:00+00:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Problematika netralitas Polri di era Jokowi: Keterlibatan dalam politik praktis dan bisnis 2022-03-07T22:46:12+00:00 Mohammad Darry Diah Asri <p>This article describes the problems of democratization that occurred in the reform era, namely the involvement of the National Police in practical politics and business. After the issuance of Presidential Instruction No. 2 of 1999 by B.J Habibie who stated that the National Police were separated from the Armed Forces, the National Police Chief was directly responsible to the President of the Republic of Indonesia through the National Police Law no. 2 of 2002. The law was issued as an effort to democratize post-reform, aimed at creating a professional security tool by prioritizing neutrality that does not involve oneself in practical politics and business. However, there are differences in the implementation of the Police Law. Along with the increase in its budget, the Police are actually involved in sectors that are not under their authority. During the Jokowi administration, this involvement was demonstrated by the distribution of 18 high-ranking officers in the ministry, 7 in non-ministerial institutions, 4 in BUMN, 2 in ambassadorial positions, and 2 in independent associations. This article was compiled through a literature study using secondary data to understand the causes of Polri's involvement in practical political and business activities. The argument of this article shows that the problem of democratization regarding the involvement of the National Police in practical politics and business by holding concurrent positions outside the corridor of security and order is caused by the interests of the authorities, which is a form of reward for President Jokowi's victory in the 2019 presidential election.</p> 2022-07-25T00:00:00+00:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Komitmen Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa sebagai partai hijau: Studi kasus Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa dewan perwakilan cabang Kota Surabaya 2022-03-10T16:38:39+00:00 Safira Rafidah Rahmah Ucu Martanto <p>This study discusses the commitment of green parties who care about the environment. The green party is the result of public dissatisfaction with the old conservative party which rarely prioritizes environmental interestS. It means that this green party has a role to participate in fighting for environmental issues into public policy. In Indonesia, until now there is only one political party that has declared themselves as a green party that cares about the environment, and the name is Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB). This qualitative research explains that the declaration of PKB as a green party must be followed by a real work program related to the environment. The results of this study refer to the PKB's point of view on the environment in the city of Surabaya, such as in the process of escorting natural disaster management programs and policies, also building community awareness to be more environmentally friendly through changing the patterns of behaviour. Meanwhile, proving the PKB party as a green party that cares about the environment can be seen from the performance that has been taken to fight for environmental issues, for examples, the Ecopesantren, Jambanisasi, Biopori and Reduction of plastic waste programs. However, the regulatory affairs of PKB's commitment as a green party are still considered to be insignificant.</p> 2022-07-25T00:00:00+00:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Otoritarianisme-birokratik orde baru, krisis ekonomi dan politik, dan demokrasi formal masa reformasi 2021-10-27T16:03:16+00:00 Budi Rajab <p>Since Indonesia’s new order led by Suharto rose to power, many countries have expressed admiration for the New Order (1966 – 1997), including developed countries, as an efficient and effective government, which was able to drastically reduce inflation and maintain economic growth. Previously, during the Old Order (1956-1965), the Indonesian economy stagnated, with very high inflation, even leading to bankruptcy, as well as conflicts between communists and military institutions. With the military institution winning the conflict, the New Order reversed the way of managing the state which in the Old Order era emphasized excessive political interference, so that economic development was neglected. The New Order state tried to build an economy with a capitalist system whose financing relied heavily on foreign debt and investment. foreign. Economic development is bearing fruit, poverty is reduced, education and health of the Indonesian people are better, but the political sector was controlled by the New Order State in a bureaucratic-authoritarian manner, the masses were demobilized strictly and repressively, even coercively. However, three decades later, the New Order regime was faced with an economic crisis in the mid-1990s and civil society movements and other civil groups demanding democratization of the political system. The community movement succeeded in overthrowing the New Order regime and replaced it with a reform regime. Economic development remains a priority of this reform regime in a capitalistic manner, but the democratic political system it develops is still conventional, procedural democracy, not participatory democracy, which means that although it no longer governs repressively, conventional state institutions remain strong, such as the executive, legislative, and the judiciary, while civil society groups are somewhat neglected.</p> 2022-07-25T00:00:00+00:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Budi Rajab Pandangan Kiai Nahdlatul Ulama tentang perempuan kandidat pada pemilihan kepala daerah Jawa Timur 2018 2022-03-10T16:39:36+00:00 Agustian Putra Dwi Windyastuti Budi Hendrarti <p>This research discusses Kiai's views on women candidates in the 2018 East Java regional elections. There are two competing candidates, the Khofifah-Emil and Gus Ipul-Puti pairs. Both Khofifah and Gus Ipul were both from the Nahdliyin circles and claimed to have the support of the Kiai Nahdlatul Ulama. Kiai's support was divided, there were those who supported Gus Ipul and Khofifah. Many fatwa wars and arguments have arisen in the community to strengthen each candidate. One of the arguments that is often conveyed is about gender which looks down on women when going forward as a candidate in the 2018 East Java governor election. There are two competing female candidates namely Khofifah as a candidate for governor and Puti as a candidate for deputy governor. The research method that I used is qualitative-descriptive with observational data collection techniques and in-depth interviews with Kiai both structural Kiai and Nahdlatul Ulama cultural kiai in Surabaya and surrounding areas. The result was that the majority of structural Kiai supported women to run as candidates in the 2018 East Java Governor election. Only a small number of cultural Kiai refused women to run as candidates.</p> 2022-07-25T00:00:00+00:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics)