Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics)
https://e-journal.unair.ac.id/POLINDO
<p dir="ltr" align="Center"><strong><img src="https://e-journal.unair.ac.id/public/site/images/admin/cover_JPI.jpg" alt="" /></strong></p> <p dir="ltr" align="Center"><strong>Indonesian Journal of Politics</strong> is a peer-reviewed and open-access scientific journal published twice a year every June and November circulation. <strong>Indonesian Journal of Politics</strong> is managed by the <strong>Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Airlangga</strong>. This journal specifically covers areas of research in <em>Democracy, Governance, Political Thought, Contemporary Politics, Ethics, and Discourse on Justice</em>. Articles that discuss the theoretical aspects of Political Philosophy, Theories of Democracy, Governance, Ethics and Discourse on Justice are welcome, as well as pieces that engage in the discussion of democratic governance practices, election, and contemporary national and international politics. We publish twice annually in which every issue consists of 6-7 articles. </p> <p dir="ltr" align="center">Manuscripts accepted by <strong>Indonesian Journal of Politics </strong>include research articles, conference papers, book and article reviews in the aforementioned topics above. We accept articles written in either Bahasa Indonesia or English and seek to receive contributions from academics, researchers, policymakers, practitioners and various professionals who engage in our themes. Please refer to author guidelines to learn more about the manuscript template we use.</p> <p dir="ltr" align="center">Our journal has existed since 2014. Its activity has operated on printed publications for six years. Starting from 2021, we shift the operation of this journal electronically to the Open Journal System (OJS) hosted by <strong>Universitas Airlangga</strong>. Our P-ISSN is registered as <a href="https://issn.brin.go.id/terbit/detail/1350359601" target="_blank" rel="noopener">2303-2073</a>. The E-ISSN of this journal is <a title="E-ISSN JPI" href="https://issn.brin.go.id/terbit/detail/20211004141597318">2808-2710</a>.</p> <p><span id="docs-internal-guid-c112e000-7fff-f598-6c11-d87f1f43530c"><br /><br /><br /><br /></span></p>Universitas Airlanggaen-USJurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics)2303-2073<ol><li><span lang="EN-US">Copyright of this journal is possession of Editorial Board and Journal Manager, by the knowledge of the author, while the moral right of the publication belongs to the author.</span></li><li>The formal legal aspect of journal publication accessibility refers to Creative Commons Atribusi-Non Commercial-Share Alike (CC BY-NC-SA), implies that publication can be used for non-commercial purposes in its original form (cannot be modified).</li><li>Every publication (printed/electronic) are open access for educational purposes, research, and library. Other than the aims mentioned above, the editorial board is not responsible for copyright violation.</li></ol>The resurgence of military coups and implications for democratic stability in sub-Saharan Africa
https://e-journal.unair.ac.id/POLINDO/article/view/50337
<p>Since the late 1980s, with no choice, there has been a strong wave of democracy and democratization in the continent with most of African countries beginning to move away from one-party or military dictatorships to multiparty democratic rule. There have been coup d'états on the African continent since the 1960s. However, the aim of this research is to examine the recent resurgence and growth of coups which is contrary to the consolidation and stability of democracy in Africa. It seeks to present the main trajectory of military coup d' etats in sub-Saharan Africa focusing on its implication to democratic stability in the region. To achieve this, researchers engage a qualitative research method with in-depth assessment of coups and their impact on the growth in sub-Saharan Africa. The results of this research show that recent military takeovers have brought attention to a troubling trend in African politics: a rise in the use of unconstitutional methods to change governments. Military coups are to certain extent direct responses to citizens' complaints considering bad governance, deteriorating citizens' living conditions, and rising levels of insecurity. This research, therefore, concludes that military coups expose sub-Saharan African to human rights violations. Due to these unpleasant conditions of sub-Saharan polity, men in uniform align to the view that it is through coups that they can oust out this civilian governments that have mutilated constitutions to allow them to rule their countries without term limit.</p>Ousu MendyAndrew Mendy
Copyright (c) 2024 Ousu Mendy, Andrew Mendy
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2024-06-142024-06-1410111610.20473/jpi.v10i1.50337Strategi pemasaran politik pasangan Ikfina-Barra dalam kontestasi Pilkada Kabupaten Mojokerto tahun 2020
https://e-journal.unair.ac.id/POLINDO/article/view/56267
<p><em>The Ikfina-Barra pair in the 2020 Mojokerto District Election contested won with a total of 62.5% of the total valid votes. This study aims to identify and describe the political marketing strategy of the Ikfina-Barra pair in the 2020 Mojokerto District Election contest. Through the use of descriptive descriptive research methods, data collection techniques were carried out through a process of in-depth interviews, observation, and documentation. Data analysis techniques in this study include the process of reducing data, presenting data, and drawing conclusions and verification. This study uses the political marketing model of Bruce I. Newman to analyze it. The results of this study indicate that the Ikfina-Barra pair used a political marketing strategy by carefully dissecting the entire mix as well as using a political marketing strategy with a humanist approach and targeting a psychological approach to the people of Mojokerto Regency. In the candidate focus mix, the nomination of the Ikfina-Barra pair shows the presence of a candidate focus on the marketing concept where the Ikfina-Barra pair is a candidate pair requested by the community by the Mojokerto Regency through a grassroots survey. Then in marketing campaign mix, the Ikfina-Barra pair used segmentation and positioning strategies for the effectiveness of political campaigns by approaching voters and offering political products according to predetermined segments. In the process of formulating and implementing a political marketing strategy, the Ikfina-Barra pair fully used the 4P mix conceptualized by Bruce I. Newman namely Product, Push Marketing, Pull Marketing, and Polling. An interesting finding in this study is that the Ikfina-Barra pair also used the Pass Marketing strategy in the marketing campaign process. In addition, in the entire process of political marketing that was carried out, the Ikfina-Barra pair also conducted an analysis of environmental forces to identify opportunities and challenges in the process of marketing campaigns and political campaigns.</em></p>Elis Mardianti
Copyright (c) 2024 Elis Mardianti
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2024-06-142024-06-14101174110.20473/jpi.v10i1.56267Pelarangan Front Pembela Islam: Suatu studi competitive authoritarianism
https://e-journal.unair.ac.id/POLINDO/article/view/58420
<div class="page" title="Page 1"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>This research aims to analyze political dynamic behind the prohibition of Islamic Defender Front (FPI) phenomenon, especially from Unitary State of Indonesia and Islamic Defender Front's perspective as a two main actor on this phenomenon, with the usage of competitive authoritarianism theory. Reflect on this phenomenon, this research uses the competitive authoritarianism by Steven Levitsky as analytical tool to explain government's authoritarian tendency from this prohibition. This research uses explanatory qualitative method with data collection technique carried out by in-depth interview and observation, meanwhile the secondary data obtained from media studies and literature review. The results of this research reveal that state's interest on banning FPI lies on conducting the policing of societal organizations. As government's annotation regarding law violations by the FPI, the government needs to take firm action against FPI to protect freedom of association of other civil groups. However, this prohibition intersected with competitive authoritarianism thesis due to prohibition mechanism has abolished the role of judiciary power on review this decision and this prohibition practically shrinking the civil space which can be used by FPI to become an extra-parliamentary opposition on supervising state's policy.</p> </div> </div> </div>Dhien Favian AryandaAribowo
Copyright (c) 2024 Dhien Favian Aryanda, Aribowo
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2024-06-142024-06-14101426110.20473/jpi.v10i1.58420Hubungan antara ketokohan Gus Ali, identifikasi partai dan politik uang dengan pilihan masyarakat dalam Pilkada Kabupaten Sidoarjo tahun 2020
https://e-journal.unair.ac.id/POLINDO/article/view/58489
<div class="page" title="Page 1"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>The regional head election (Pilkada) encompasses various intriguing phenomena, with political actions and voting decisions influenced by multiple factors. This study examined the impact of three key factors”Gus Ali's figure, Party Identification (Party ID), and Money Politics”on voters' decisions in the 2020 Sidoarjo Regional Head Election (Pilkada), specifically focusing on the Ahmad Muhdlor Ali-Subandi candidate pair. Utilizing quantitative methods with an explanatory approach grounded in voting behavior theory, the research found that Gus Ali's figure did not significantly influence voting decisions. In contrast, party identification and money politics showed a significant moderate correlation with voters' choices. Additionally, the study revealed that voters who identified with Gus Ali, had an emotional bond with Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB)-Partai Nasdem, and received monetary incentives were more likely to support the Ahmad Muhdlor Ali-Subandi pair.</p> </div> </div> </div>Prasasti Ayudya PramudhitaMuhammad Asfar
Copyright (c) 2024 Prasasti Ayudya Pramudhita, Muhammad Asfar
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2024-06-142024-06-14101627110.20473/jpi.v10i1.58489Perspektif masyarakat mengenai politisasi PKS dalam lingkup pendidikan di Kota Bandung
https://e-journal.unair.ac.id/POLINDO/article/view/41400
<p>Politicization is a negative connotation for parties that carry out political campaigns through government advice or use government advice, such as schools, school children, places of worship, or government-owned buildings as allegedly happened in the city of Bandung. This study aims to find out the public's perspective on the politicization that occurs in Educational Institutions in order to be a lesson for other political parties in conducting campaigns. This learning is intended to see the perspective of the community that politicization in Educational Institutions is wrong and should not be done in accordance with the provisions of law number 7 of 2017 contained in article 280 paragraph 1 which states that campaigns are prohibited from being carried out in areas of government facilities, places of worship, and also places of education. This research uses a descriptive quantitative research method by spreading a digital questionnaire consisting of two variables to study people's views on political parties that politicize. The reason is, it can be seen that the public does not approve of the existence of political campaigns in the realm of Education, where education should not be smeared with political activity. In conclusion, political campaigns in the world of Education are not accepted and disliked by the public, the community even agrees that if there are some teachers who use their students for the purposes of political parties, then there should be revitalization and also the delivery of fines.</p> <p> </p>Praventyasari MutiaraRachel Archita SalwaAinulia PardichaVictorio KusumosidiVera Wijayanti Sutjipto
Copyright (c) 2024 Praventyasari Mutiara, Rachel Archita Salwa, Ainulia Pardicha, Victorio Kusumosidi, Vera Wijayanti Sutjipto
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2024-06-142024-06-14101728410.20473/jpi.v10i1.41400Praktik Botoh pada demokrasi lokal: Studi pada pemilihan Bupati Lamongan 2020
https://e-journal.unair.ac.id/POLINDO/article/view/58878
<div class="page" title="Page 1"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>This study examines the practice of botoh in the 2020 Lamongan regent election. The phenomenon of vote buying and the high potential for money politics in a region have triggered various practices of money politics in local elections. This research uses a descriptive qualitative approach. Data collection was carried out through in-depth interviews, with both primary and secondary data types. The aim of this study is to understand the practice and patterns of botoh in the 2020 Lamongan election and to determine how botoh influences voter preferences. The results indicate that the practice and working patterns of botoh in the 2020 Lamongan election were conducted in two ways. First, purely for material gain, involving bets among botoh practitioners. Second, as part of a candidate's campaign team, with a more systematic working mechanism. Botoh significantly influenced voter preferences in the 2020 Lamongan election, particularly in the southern region. The population in this area, classified as 'Abangan' and accustomed to the culture of money politics, was easily influenced by botoh practices.</p> </div> </div> </div>Ana Dewi Lanjar Diwuk SusilowatiHari Fitrianto
Copyright (c) 2024 Ana Dewi Lanjar Diwuk Susilowati, Hari Fitrianto
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2024-06-142024-06-141018510110.20473/jpi.v10i1.58878